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Cricket historian and writer in Melbourne

The case for Howard

Those railing against the former Australian PM are not shining examples of rectitude themselves

Gideon Haigh

June 23, 2010

Comments: 39 | Text size: A | A

John Howard, the Australian Prime Minister, at the MRF Pace Academy, March 8, 2006
If lack of cricket knowledge is Howard's crime, there are plenty of other administrators who can be hanged for the same offence © AFP
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All those in favour of John Howard, say "aye"…

Come on, I know you're out there. I can hear you breathing. And for any politician, so it goes. It is a paradox of democracy that politicians, desperate to court popularity, and living or dying by it, are doomed to widespread unpopularity. Politicians are almost invariably elected by bare majorities, meaning they start with the disapproval of, at the least, a sizeable minority; these ranks gradually swell with disillusioned former supporters and the previously indifferent. There being no policy that does not disadvantage someone, this number grows inexorably, until one day you're looking at your post-political options. As is John Howard at the moment.

The one option in particular, vice-presidency of the ICC, is not exactly a plum job. The pay is non-existent. The company is pretty dubious. The powers are heavily circumscribed. The largest and most important member holds the body in contempt and undermines it at every opportunity. The cricket public everywhere think the organisation is a joke. That Howard is willing to accept such a frankly thankless task reveals a hitherto-unsuspected streak of masochism. Except that Howard raises the hackles of certain of the ICC's members, with no objection in particular but every objection in general.

As the debate has made partisans of everyone, a preliminary note is necessary. I write here as someone to whom Howard the politician did not appeal, and who cast his every available vote against him, even to the point of voting for some I knew to be total plonkers. I even have reservations about whether he is entirely the right person to assume the presidency of the ICC. On the other hand, in reviewing the objections expressed to him I'm not persuaded he's the wrong person. Let us examine them, as coolly as we can.

HOWARD IS A POLITICIAN: This is the easiest objection to dispose of, because Howard is not a politician. He is a former politician. Same difference? Former politicians the world over would beg to differ. After Winston Churchill lost the British election of 1945, he "wished every day for death". John Winston Howard's perspective, I imagine, would not be nearly so extreme, but I suspect he can give you chapter and verse on the distinction between the two states of being. A politician out of office is like a batsman without a bat: just a man, of greater or lesser ability. Howard, in fact, is twice removed from power: he is retired, and the party he once led is undergoing a spell in opposition that, at least until very recently, looked like being long and protracted.

There is an argument that even former politicians by murk of their prior doings bring the risk of controversy to their role. But if an extensive, ongoing and chequered political career hasn't stood in the way of Sharad Pawar's rise to eminence, then what conceivable objection can be made to Howard? Say what you like of him in other respects, he remained in his career almost boringly free of the taint of corruption. Want to stop John Howard? You'll have to do better than this.

HOWARD IS NOT A CRICKET PERSON: This is the objection of Sri Lanka Cricket, whose interim committee chairman Somachandra De Silva believes that "on principle it is the wrong thing to do to bring someone from outside for the vice-presidency". But from outside what? From outside cricket's governing circles? Does the game's existing administrative elite so abound in talent that it would not benefit from the expertise and disinterested perspectives of a well-credentialled outsider. Sorry Mr Mandela, if only you'd served the afternoon teas at the cricket games on Robben Island, we might have been able to get you in on a technicality. Sri Lanka's sports minister Chandrasiri Ratnayake recently deemed their cricket board the country's "third most corrupt organisation"; not exactly a ringing endorsement of those on the inside of the virtuous administrative circle at Sri Lanka Cricket.

The evidence, in fact, is all the other way, that the traditional means by which cricket has been promoted from within are failing hopelessly, generating a succession of shonks and mediocrities, many of them from the self-same countries now trying to impede Howard's progress. From South Africa comes Percy Sonn. From Sri Lanka comes Thilanga Sumathipala. From Pakistan comes Ijaz Butt. Not that Australia is exemplary in this respect either. Jack Clarke is a likeable fellow, but is he really the individual best qualified to chair its cricket board?

 
 
The skills important to a presidency or chairmanship are not the ability to bowl a doosra or quote the hit-wicket law from memory, but those of being able to take wise counsel, ask intelligent questions and run effective meetings
 

In any event, and with all due respect to De Silva, who at stages in the 1970s may have been the best legspinner in the world, the eligibility for office at ICC of those without a direct involvement in cricket administration is not his to deem. The ICC's constitution does not disallow it; on the contrary, Pakistan nominated Ehsan Mani as ICC president seven years ago, when he did not even live in his home country, and nobody batted an eyelid.

Howard's non-cricket personhood might also be argued to derive from his knowledge of the game. It's an old line in Australia, usually made by someone asserting their own superior knowledge: "That bloody Howard - I know more about cricket than he does." Short of entering Howard in Cricket Mastermind, with perhaps Sharad Pawar, Lalit Modi and Giles Clarke as fellow contestants, I'm not sure how this is to be established, and whether it actually matters. The skills important to a presidency or chairmanship are not the ability to bowl a doosra or quote the hit-wicket law from memory, but those of being able to take wise counsel, ask intelligent questions and run effective meetings. Eleven years of balancing interests and corralling a cabinet as a country's prime minister seem ample evidence of these skills in Howard.

There remains in Sri Lanka, of course, residual ill-feeling about Howard's remarks six years ago concerning Muttiah Muralitharan. Fair enough too. The comments were ill-informed and tactless; they also caused grave disappointment at Cricket Australia, who had been keen for Murali to tour. In straining for a populist soundbite, Howard forgot the considered views both of his political hero Sir Robert Menzies, that world sporting competition when used for "stirring up sensation, for looking for trouble, and if necessary creating it" could do "almost as much to create international bitterness as any political factor", and his cricket hero Sir Donald Bradman, that the problem of illegal actions is "the most complex I have known in cricket, because it is not a matter of fact but of opinion". On the other hand, all he expressed was that: an opinion. Less dogmatism and more understanding would have served him better, but the straightforward expression of an honestly held view is not to be deplored merely because one happens to disagree with it.

HOWARD IS A RACIST: For many Australians, Howard was a disappointing leader, ever the politician, seldom the statesman. He grappled uneasily with the politics of race, as every Australian prime minister has and probably always will. He pursued policies towards refugees that were iniquitous and inhumane in application, even if mandatory detention was an innovation of the administration before his. He made little headway on improving the lot of Australia's benighted aboriginal population, and his behaviour at the Reconciliation Convention in May 1997 was ignominious at best, although there was also an argument that symbolic gestures towards reconciliation in advance of an amelioration of indigenous living standards were premature if not empty.

The common cliché used to describe Howard as "divisive", however, was often rather casually applied. Politics in a democracy is inherently divisive, insofar as it involves the implementation of one from a range of policy options, thereby antagonising the advocates of others. Those fondest of the word "divisive" in a political context are usually those on the wrong side of the divide.

To Howard's perceived political sins, moreover, patterns could be difficult to detect. He was too conservative for some, too radical for others; he was disparaged both as too much the ideologue and too much the pragmatist. In this sense, he was the classically supple modern political operative, in perennial and sometimes opportunistic pursuit of electoral advantage, as succinctly expressed by his biographers Wayne Errington and Peter van Onselen: "At various points in his administration, Howard has promoted regulation and deregulation, freedom and authority, self-interest and community feeling… Because of such inconsistencies between action and rhetoric, supporters and critics cannot recognise the John Howard described by their respective foes." A condensation of his politics simply as "racist", then, will signify more about the speaker than Howard.

This whole debate, in fact, has revealed much more about its participants than the object of their ire. It has been difficult to keep up with some of the misinformation in circulation. To choose one example from Pakistan's Dawn, in which Sohaib Alvi revealed exclusively that "in 2002 Howard snubbed President Pervez Musharraf's assurance of VVIP level security and disallowed Australia's cricket team to tour Pakistan"; this, said Alvi, conferred on the Pakistan Cricket Board's embattled Ijaz Butt "the opportunity to become an instant hero among all his detractors by casting a vote against" the Australian.

Pakistan must be sadly short of heroes at present if this is how they are reduced to minting them. Alvi also happens to be 180 degrees wrong. Howard was strongly in favour of Australia touring Pakistan that year, precisely because Australia, like the US, regarded Musharraf as a bulwark against Islamic extremism. Howard urged Cricket Australia to accept the PCB's invitation; it was Cricket Australia who, for security reasons, insisted on the fixtures being relocated offshore. Few plights are sorrier in world cricket than the isolation in which Pakistan cricket fans languish through no fault of their own, and Australia in not touring for 12 years has nothing to be proud of. But Howard, who visited Pakistan less than five years ago and bowled perhaps the most replayed long hop in history, isn't to blame.

The sentiment Alvi expressed in his piece, furthermore, was actually worse than misinformed; it was malevolent. There is a lot of this about. In cricket's global governance, sad to say, the chief priority seldom seems to be that of promoting the game's interests or preserving its cohesion; it appears far more important to exact mindless retribution for past wrongs, real or imagined. The culture is no longer of give and take, or even civilised disagreement, but of a kind of smouldering umbrage, permanently on the verge of exploding. In this case, one might as well name and shame. The casus belli of the dispute over Howard's nomination is that he argued against, and finally insisted on the cancellation of, an Australian tour of Zimbabwe.


Zimbabwe Cricket chairman Peter Chingoka at the ICC conference, Dubai, July 4, 2008
It isn't exactly surprising that the likes of Peter Chingoka (centre) are making a noise about Howard's nomination © AFP
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This insistence represented a shift of philosophy for Howard. Over the Liberal Party he joined in the 1960s was the long shadow cast by Menzies, who publicly supported the continuation of cricket links with South Africa in the midst of a growing sporting boycott. Menzies' view was conditioned by his belief that nations had absolute sovereignty over their domestic affairs, however much they be disapproved of by other countries; he also had a sentimental attachment to South African cricket as it was then constituted.

Howard inherited and adhered to these attitudes to the extent of anachronism. But he has changed rather more positions than might be expected from one with his reputation for intransigence. The efficacy in South Africa's case of sporting sanctions as an expression of disapproval persuaded Howard that they were appropriate in the case of Zimbabwe, whose rancid, democidal president is patron of the nation's cricket governing body.

That Zimbabwe should be making the most noise about Howard's nomination is not surprising; that the board should be regarded as doing so in good faith is entirely remarkable. Zimbabwe's Peter Chingoka's international pariah-hood is the reason the ICC board has to convene not in any of its traditional homes but in Singapore. His transparent purpose here is to expedite Zimbabwe's rehabilitation as a Test nation, and to shore up his political support at home. For what it's worth, I hope for Zimbabwe's return too: a touch of their amateur zeal would be a tonic in this grimly professional day and age. But it should be a decision based on the best interests of world cricket, not on the best interests of Peter Chingoka.

In any case, what sort of governance is this that takes its cues in moral arbitration from associates of one of the cruellest and most corrupt political criminals of modern times? Whom else would Zimbabwe and its suggestible South African allies have us be rid of in international cricket? How about Andy Flower, who wore a black armband in the 2003 World Cup, mourning the death of democracy in his home country? How about Richie Benaud and Ian Chappell, because one managed and the other played in a Wanderers XI in South Africa after that country's exile from Test cricket? Let's be thorough: why not withhold accreditation for ICC events to any journalist who has criticised Robert Mugabe? This would at least be entirely consistent with Zimbabwe's attitudes to freedom of the press.

The countries arguing against Howard's nomination for the ICC vice-presidency disgrace themselves. They purport to be on an idealistic crusade for the purity of cricket government, but their real purpose is to preserve its sleazy deal-doing dysfunctionality, while enjoying the sensation of rubbing Australia's nose in it along the way. They travesty a great and noble cause, the fight against racism, by using it as a decoy from their motivations, to the extent that the cry of "racist" in cricket now has barely any moral utility left. In doing so, irony of ironies, they also present the strongest possible argument for the recruitment of someone from outside this rotten system, be that John Howard or another figure of stature owing no fealty to anyone, to reform it.

Gideon Haigh is a cricket historian and writer

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Posted by Steve145 on (June 26, 2010, 8:54 GMT)

Thanks Gideon Haigh for this article. I myself hated Howards policies, and do not necessarily think he is the best equipped. However, it is his years a politician that will help him in the ICC, not his policies. I think that a very capable man, if not the best, has been put forward. It is convention for this not to be opposed, and I think that this power should only be invoked if there is a serious problem. Gideon Haigh has formed a legitimate opinion and presented it well.

Posted by Suresh_Krishnamurthy on (June 25, 2010, 15:31 GMT)

This article confirms the comprehensive fall from grace of Gideon Haigh, one of the most informed cricket writers that I have ever read. Ever since the advent of T20 and corrupt politicians from India, it has been very easy to predict Gideon's responses. For him, if Asian boards say something, then only the diametrically opposite view can be true. Unfortunately, for us, the fall in his writing standards is simply unacceptable. Steve Miller is on the money in his comments. T20 may not have destroyed Test Cricket atleast not yet, but has certainly heralded a decline in quality of cricket writing

Posted by Teece on (June 25, 2010, 13:40 GMT)

I can't stand Howard, but it's our turn to nominate the president. Period. We haven't liked the ones you've put up, either. This isn't a case of overlooking the fact there are people who would've been better for the job, as has been suggested in the comments. It's not us saying we're perfect. It's a matter of you needing to accept that someone annoying but qualified is going to be in the job, and if we can tolerate butchers' sidekicks you can put up with Howard. Christ knows we had to for long enough.

Posted by SteveMiller on (June 25, 2010, 2:53 GMT)

This is an argument against other candidates, rather than an argument for Howard. Howard simply has too much baggage, and that would inevitably get in the way of him doing his job well. CA could have put forward any number of candidates who would have gotten up, but chose to go with Howard, somebody who was always likely to be problematic. Why?

Many, many people in Australia regard him as a racist---based on policies and positions going back decades (apartheid, immigration, indigenous affairs, engagement with Asia). He *is* divisive. He is a bad candidate. That other candidates might be just as bad or worse, for different reasons, does not make him a good candidate.

Posted by Bournie on (June 25, 2010, 2:15 GMT)

Excuse me,Australia is in no position to complain about the opposition to Mr Howard.It was Australia that bulldozed a far more deserving candidate from New Zealand.

Posted by E-Train on (June 25, 2010, 1:12 GMT)

That John Howard is/was a politician already is his greatest asset as a cricket administrator. He isn't afraid of being unpopular so long as he believes his decision is in the best interests of the people they are made for- not necessarily the popular interests. He understands what can be compromised and what can't be. And his personal integrity is above reproach. In such a factional, corrupt and self-interested board this should bring the members into line and finally stop them cashing in on the current climate- leading to issues of saturation of matches and player burn out amongst others- and hopefully ensure the longevity of the game.

Posted by   on (June 25, 2010, 0:21 GMT)

Why is there need to write this long long article to defend Howard and make criminals of the other countries and boards. Can't any country think of it self and their own interest before casting a vote? Why should Howard be unopposed? Why can't there be free will against an Australian nominee?

Posted by   on (June 25, 2010, 0:07 GMT)

I dont understand why a popular cricket columnist would try to be Howard's lapdog? The credibility of a person has to be put under the microscope before he can be allowed to uphold any post. If that is being done with Howard, whats so wrong with it?

Posted by Ozboy on (June 24, 2010, 21:10 GMT)

John Howard - why? His failures as a PM are too many to list. His other claim to fame is the number of times he was photographed with Dubya. He looked smitten and why shouldn't he be. I am more disgusted at Gideon that he choses to advocate Howard's candidacy. Howard was a divisive force in Australian politics. Hired Hollingworth as the Governor General of Australia and ended up with egg on his face. Refused to say sorry to the Stolen Generation. There was of course the boat people controversy when he initiated a campaign against asylum seekers. He was a fear monger PM but the Australian public saw through him and he lost from his own constituency. At least Sharad Pawar still wins elections on his own turf. Not that I endorse Sharad Pawar either but Gideon seems to think if SP is allowed then JH is a shoe-in.

Posted by Johnnyt on (June 24, 2010, 19:34 GMT)

Mr Haigh, I don't know if I'm that happy about you presenting such an excellent arguement for the much-hated Mr Howard. You have managed to make me look past my strong dislike for the man and his actions to the point I agree that he is probably the best candidate for the role, now that the New Zealand candidate is out of the picture. Despite my almost irrational dislike of the man I have never doubted his incorruptability (honesty is another question) and opposition by sleazy and possibly evil men are really glowing endorsements in my book.

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Gideon Haigh Born in London of a Yorkshire father, raised in Australia by a Tasmanian mother, Gideon Haigh lives in Melbourne with a cat, Trumper. He has written 19 books and edited a further seven. He is also a life member and perennial vice-president of the South Yarra CC.

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