BCB on the slow lane to freedom

When the Awami League government fell on August 5, 2024, there was hope that Bangladesh would finally undergo widespread and comprehensive reform. Or at least those public-facing institutions with public-facing problems would. Like the BCB, the richest sports body in the country. General consensus was that it hadn't lived up to its wealth or its potential.

Two weeks after deposed prime minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country, one of her favourites, Nazmul Hassan, was no longer the BCB president. Hassan fled the country, as did several BCB directors with close links to him and the Awami League government. Faruque Ahmed, Hassan's replacement, lasted nine months, before being replaced by Aminul Islam in June this year. Both are former Bangladesh captains, hand-picked by the sports ministry to run the BCB. Faruque's exit was acrimonious. Aminul is trying to make the best of a limited timeframe as board chief.

The next board elections are to be held by October 9, but there is still no proper clarity over the candidates. The chance for serious reform, through much needed constitutional amendments, is all but over. Earlier this year, a constitutional reform committee, mandated to diversify the composition of the board directors, stopped working after the Dhaka club representatives protested against one of their proposals: currently, the BCB constitution allows for 12 board directors from Dhaka-based clubs alone, while the rest of the country, represented by eight divisions and 64 districts, only has ten directors; the committee wanted to rectify this inequality. Now the polls will be held with the existing constitution in use.

BCB has also given up on investigating the Hassan-era controversies and scandals. The board's anti-corruption department is finishing an investigation into a Dhaka Premier League incident, while an independent commission appointed to look into corruption allegations in the BPL is about to submit its report. The country's anti-corruption commission is investigating broader allegations of financial misappropriation and unfair practices in the BCB under Hassan. The BCB itself hasn't launched any investigation on Hassan or anyone from his board. The ACC's inquiry could be just the tip of the iceberg.

Elections based on the existing constitution means the next board will be lumbered with the same issues of previous eras. The board will continue to be heavily dominated by the Dhaka clubs, with little say for the rest of the country. In some ways, this lopsided governance structure is emblematic of the BCB's strange little world. It is what runs cricket in Bangladesh, and many feel that because of it, political influence will continue unabated in the running of cricket.

In 2013, a five-member bench of Bangladesh's Supreme Court ruled in favour of holding that year's BCB elections on its amended constitution. The BCB and the National Sports Council (NSC) were in favour of two crucial amendments: that the BCB president would be voted to power by the directors and not the board's general body, and that the NSC could appoint three directors (as opposed to one previously). These were meant to be aligned with the ICC's Woolf Report recommendation in 2011, pushing back against government interference in boards, though the NSC quota was anything but.

Hassan made history as the BCB's first elected president in 2013, though he did, of course, come in via the NSC quota.

When Hassan fled in 2024, the same quota became the trapdoor through which Faruque was made president. And the NSC used the same process to remove Faruque in May this year when he fell out with the government body. Aminul replaced him as the NSC's representative in the BCB, before the directors elected him as the president.

Two months on from taking charge, an interim stint he likened to a T20 innings, Aminul spoke about the surprise offer to become the board chief, and his big plans for reform. An experienced administrator, Aminul is implementing a code called the "triple century", based on 100% trust, 100% reach (through the country rather than just the pockets), and 100% performance.

"I came to Dhaka to attend my nephew's wedding, and then I became the board president," Aminul, who otherwise lives in Melbourne, told ESPNcricinfo. "I left a permanent job as the country comes first for me. I began a charter called the 'triple century'. I want to decentralise cricket. I want to make BCB into a world-class organisation. The country's best HR firm has already started working on structuring the BCB."

Already, the former Bangladesh captain and their first Test centurion has impressed with his administrative skills. He has questions for every department. Aminul has also engaged a top HR firm to audit the board's practices. He has also stayed clear of the limelight, hardly engaging with anything other than strictly business. It is a break from AHM Mustafa Kamal or Hasan who spent most of their time talking to the camera. Faruque too didn't show much proclivity towards atoning BCB's administrative woes. All of this has reportedly made Aminul one of the BCB president candidates at the elections. He has reiterated that the elections will take place on time, but feels he is at a disadvantage.

"I don't have the ability or [financial] scope to participate in the elections. I don't represent a [Dhaka] club, neither do I come from a district body. I can only become the board president if the new body of directors [voted through the election] vote me [into power]," he said. "I don't, however, want to get into a competitive situation. A person has to be qualified to become a BCB president. I think I have the qualifications, having been a cricketer, administrator and coach, but I don't know if I am the candidate or not."

Faruque was also hoping for a go in the elections, although it is understood that he has stepped back. The name of Tamim Iqbal, the former Bangladesh captain, is also doing the rounds as a possible candidate.

The most interesting name is that of Syed Ashraful Huq, the former BCB general secretary who has also served as the Asian Cricket Council's chief executive in the past. Ashraful is regarded as one of the most influential figures in Bangladesh cricket, the man who formulated the plan for Bangladesh's Full Member status at the ICC. Although Ashraful hasn't been in the board since 2000, he was with the ACC till 2014 and has expressed an interest in becoming the next board president.

There is concern, however, that the BCB elections might be a bit premature, given that the country's general elections are scheduled for February 2026. What if, for example, the newly elected government is not politically aligned with the new BCB president and directors? What chance does that board administration have in that situation?

Former BCB director Sirajuddin Alamgir feels that constitutional reform would have reduced political influence and that the current system will simply ensure the status quo. The districts and divisions will choose their councillors (members/voters) who have local political backing, rather than experienced organisers - that's the way the BCB is structurally formed, with deep ties between the board and the government of the time.

"We were hopeful that there would be amendments in the constitution, because otherwise it will be old wine in a new bottle," Alamgir said. "The current system will continue to ignore authentic sports organisers from around the country. Representation from districts and divisions will be dictated by those in power. This keeps the cricket structure weak.

"Bangladesh's cricket needs new blood. It needs new ideas from the new generation. There has to be a radical change in how cricket is run in the country."

Alamgir and others like him want to see radical change because of how poorly the BCB was run over the last 15 years and how politicised it was. Hassan was an Awami League member of parliament throughout his tenure as BCB president, and was made the country's sports minister in 2024. It was a highly conflicted arrangement, being a sports federation head (as the BCB chief) and the sports minister at the same time. He was his own boss.

BCB directors were all either Awami League MPs or relatives of prime minister Hasina or other party leaders. Shakib Al Hasan and Mashrafe Mortaza were Awami League MPs too. This is how entrenched the BCB was with the Awami League. It made Hassan the undisputed king of cricket, and the BCB an unusually powerful body.

All of this power, however, was sucked out on August 5 when Hasina fled the country. The Awami League government was overthrown by a student-led revolution, with an interim government taking charge.

It was also the end of BCB's unchecked power. Once Hassan and 14 directors fled, the board headquarters became so chaotic that the sports ministry had to intervene. They handed their two BCB directors' quotas to Faruque and Nazmul Abedeen Fahim. Fahim, a renowned coach and former BCB employee, became the cricket operations head.

"They left a damaged cricketing culture," Fahim told ESPNcricinfo. "The BCB is far removed from fairness, spirit and integrity. It has hurt our overall cricket. We can develop infrastructure in three or four years, but we have to pay the price for the loss of culture. Infrastructure is in a pitiful state. We can't provide our national teams with a tenth of the facilities that other countries can. We roam around Dhaka, Sylhet and Chittagong looking for good conditions for training camps. The women's team is now training in BKSP [near Dhaka] where training is off for two days when it rains."

So entrenched was the BCB with the Awami League that they would ignore good facilities to support their politics. They didn't use the stadium in Bogra as it is the birthplace of Ziaur Rahman, the founder of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the Awami League's main political rival. Bogra hosted six international matches in 2006.

"Rather than developing infrastructure, we have wasted facilities in Fatullah, Bogra and Khulna," Fahim said. "We are trying to revive these stadiums. We are building a few new facilities."

Fahim also has a dim view about Hassan's famous boast about the BCB's reserves of BDT 1200 crore, which had revealed the BCB's misplaced priorities. "Instead of being proud of having a big account in the bank, we should have boasted about having 50 grounds, 20 indoor facilities and 100 bowling machines around the country. These would have helped the players."

For the record, the BCB doesn't own a single stadium.

When Aminul became board president, matters were so bad that he said the situation was akin to have been hit by an earthquake.

"After an earthquake, you first try to find the surface under your feet. You face barriers everywhere you move. When I became the BCB president, everything was new to me. Nothing was working properly," he said. "At the same time, [former English Premier League footballer] Hamza Chowdhury came to play for Bangladesh. Sports fans started saying that they are done with cricket. That cricket is dead. We didn't get a broadcaster for the Zimbabwe Tests. A cricket board has governance and an organogram. A manager has people working under him in each department. Nothing was working. I didn't know how many people worked under me."

It reflected on the field. In Aminul's first two months in charge, Bangladesh were beaten by Sri Lanka in a Test and an ODI series, but won the T20I series. They beat Pakistan 2-1 at home, too, in a T20I series. They had begun the year by losing eight out of ten matches across formats.

But of late, despite the up-and-down results, Fahim said he had noticed better dynamics within the team, including between the captain, the coach and the selectors. Importantly, he said, a more relaxed relationship between the board and the players had helped. That was always an issue when Hassan, who was notorious for getting involved in dressing-room issues and even selection, was around.

"It is not visible but the Bangladesh team is growing as a team," Fahim said. "The environment within the dressing room is such that you couldn't tell that there are players with three different levels of experience. The captain treats everyone equally.

"There's great understanding between the players and the coaches. Between the coach and captain. Among the coaches also. I think the biggest change is the relationship between the selector, coach and captain. There's harmony among this trio. There's respect for each other.

"The board doesn't force them into accountability on a daily basis. We are with them through thick and thin. The cricket side of things is now the most important aspect. They are starting to pay less attention to what's being said. Of course, this is a gradual process."

It's only natural that what goes on in the BCB will influence the team on the field. The men's team performances are as much a national mood indicator in Bangladesh as they are a reflection of the cricket board's functioning. There's hope that the October elections will bring a little more stability in the board, and therefore in the country's cricket. How long the stability lasts, and how much it changes the bigger picture, though, remain in doubt.